The statistics were similar for Nagaland where 91 percent of women voted as opposed to 89 percent of men. While in Meghalaya women represented just over 50 percent of all voters. The latest elections of concluded in the four states of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Delhi witnessed a stark change in male and female voter turnout. The male turnout was just slightly above the female turnout, at 74 percent. Women voters also outnumbered men voters in Rajasthan, which is considered one of the worst hit states in terms of sex-ratio.
However, women have not formed a vote bank or a significant voting constituency and in spite of widespread gender inequality and discrimination against women, gender has not become a major political issue. While women have become more active engaged voters and are now voting in larger numbers than men they have not recognised their power to shape political dialogue and governance. The distribution of power within the Indian democracy is based on a gamut of overarching traditional conditions that influence the way society votes.
Major determinants in the system include religion, caste, regions and communities. Voting for candidates based on cultural sameness obfuscates the motive behind democracy. However, these factors have continued to be extremely influential for Indian voters. However, the country has been observing a new wave of late. The nation is gradually awakening to a fresh conscience.
Yet, the power of female voters is yet to be fully realised and gender issues continue to be marginalised from the political domain. However, this is only one element of political participation and women are increasingly presented as voters but not as participants within governance structures. Women are extremely under-represented within all major parties and the patriarchal nature of party structures excludes and discriminates against women who choose to defy social expectations and actively participate in politics.
There are two types of political parties within Indian politics; the first are membership-based parties that hold regular party elections and the second are family dynasties. These parties are extremely patriarchal and women are largely excluded from engaging with party decision-making processes and are not allocated tickets to contest elections.
However, these reservations are not being implemented and women continue to be marginalised from decision-making bodies and are not allocated tickets to contest elections. Only women contested the national election out of candidates and only 59 of these women were successful in winning their seats. Without the support of political parties it is difficult for women to overcome the challenges they face when entering politics.
Women often do not even have the necessary resources to compete with their male counterparts, they are restricted by the widespread perception that men are stronger and more effective leaders, and in many cases they are unable to navigate the political hierarchies of the contemporary political arena without the patronage of male leaders. Currently women hold only 11 percent of lower house seats and This amounts to a disappointing 9. In the last national election in only 43 women were given tickets to contest elections by the Indian National Congress and only 44 were given tickets by the Bharatiya Janata Party.
Further, no more than ten percent of tickets have been allocated to women in the upcoming state elections in Delhi, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Mizoram. Only three out of 67 women candidates who contested the Delhi State Assembly Elections in won.
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Noticeably, five million voters in the city are women. This stands as a stark example of gender inequality in political spaces. In Rajasthan 25 women secured seats out of the in the fray. Total number of candidates stood at for seats.
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The scenario was replicated similarly in the remaining states, marking itself as a trend, with its roots steeped in patriarchy. Inferior to the old-style predecessors in professionalism, the new officials manifested no less corruption. The factionalists continued to place their own interests above the national ones, without paying due attention to the social and economic problems that kept snowballing. In addition, many law-enforcement officials fell victim to the mob law, as in most cases the people were guided not by fair retribution, but the desire to settle old scores Cumings, , p.
Students began to take too many liberties. Their mass protests put strong pressure on the government. On several occasions they forced their way into the National Assembly building to rebuke the legislators for the lack of revolutionary morale Gafurov et al, , p. Johnson believes that the failure of the Second Republic was due to the fact that democratization began before the development of pluralism or liberalization.
Indeed, until the proclamation of the Republic of Korea in Koreans had been unfamiliar with the basics of democracy and had no idea of what democratic institutions were about: neither the elite nor the public at large understood what civil society should be like.
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Korean society was obviously unprepared to build democracy the way it is understood in the West in terms of creating effective institutions of civil society or using elements of the Western democratic system. Democratization is not a direct product of economic development and modernization. A chance for sustainable democratization emerged when the social structure of society began to change, and a large middle class emerged in the country, thus providing the basis for building a civil society.
With a start-up potential like this, economic growth for Pak was not only a source of prosperity for the country, but also a means to increase the legitimacy of his regime and strengthen national security. In , the Economic Planning Directorate, created to coordinate and control economic development, announced the adoption of the first five-year plan not directive, as in the USSR, but an indicative one.
Control was carried out by means of licensing and tax administration. The state managed the distribution of loans and export subsidies, controlled foreign trade operations, and regulated prices. The ban on the creation of private banks was a significant leverage of pressure their denationalization began only in the s : deprived of financial independence, corporations were forced to develop the manufacturing industries which the state considered priority ones.
At the same time, in order to prevent possible resistance by the bourgeoisie, Pak kept saying that economic planning should by no means stifle private enterprise, that the spirit of competition should be encouraged, and private property should remain inviolable Park, , pp.
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To improve the corporate management system, the emphasis was placed on conglomerates, which were easier and more convenient to manipulate. In fact, Pak Chung-hee personally selected several dozen firms entitled to preferential access to loans and foreign investment in exchange for strict implementation of government instructions. This is how the well-known chebols were created. Government regulation also manifested itself in the desire to maintain low labor costs, which was achieved by a number of measures: a low living standard at the beginning of the economic growth process; a low share of salary in relation to the profits; long working hours; and rigid official anti-labor policies, with strikes resolutely suppressed by the police and sometimes commando units.
Moreover, under an emergency decree of , participation in strikes and other industrial actions was considered a criminal offense Torkunov, Denisov and Lee, , pp. Clifford agrees with this interpretation Clifford, , p. At first, Pak turned Korea into a country-factory capable of buying raw materials, processing them and exporting finished products. The proceeds were used to develop infrastructure and education, as well as to purchase new technologies. By the beginning of the s there emerged an opportunity to switch to capital-intensive industries metallurgy, shipbuilding, chemical industry , and later to technology-intensive ones automotive industry, electronics, etc.
Special programs were launched to encourage cooperation, and housing and communal infrastructures, bathhouses and community centers were built. The establishment of diplomatic relations with Japan in played a certain role. As a result, South Korea, whose position had looked hopeless, turned into one of the most dynamic economies on the globe.
At the turn of the ss production grew by an average of By South Korea became completely economically independent, and in it caught up with the North and began to overtake it in terms of economic development. The first years after the coup were those of comprehensive austerity measures, as the new regime was keen to gain a firmer foothold. The arrested were forced to walk the streets of Seoul under guard Eckert and Lee, , p.
The same happened to comprador businessmen who had made fortunes during the Syngman Rhee rule. And still, up to the Pak Chung-hee regime remained moderately authoritarian. There remained an electoral system based on universal and direct suffrage by secret ballot, a multiparty system, a parliamentary system of governance, and the existence of parliament-restricted political rights and liberal freedoms. Despite the presence of the military in the government, except for the army and the CIA of South Korea the name of the intelligence service was a replica of the corresponding U.
In the presidential election, Pak won However, saw an outright pullback to autocracy. The fact is that, despite the success of modernization, the regime began to experience a crisis of legitimacy. It was clear that reforms should be continued with the political course remaining the same, while under the current constitution the president could rule the country only for two consecutive terms.
Its most characteristic features were the introduction of a state of emergency, prohibition of any political activity, presidential decrees aimed at direct elimination of the opposition, military courts, and numerous political convictions for violating the presidential decrees including death sentences , etc.
In emergency resolutions were adopted to forbid criticism of the constitution or the regime Kim and Vogel, , p. About 20, active opponents of the regime went to jail, while the main opposition leader, Kim Dae-jung, was kidnapped from Tokyo. He was not executed only thanks to quick and effective U. At the same time, the regime remained civil. Johnson specifically emphasizes this distinction between South Korea and the Latin American juntas. Pak and his team changed their uniforms for civilian clothes and preferred political methods of control to military ones.
The impressive rates of economic growth, testifying to successful economic modernization, were not accompanied by serious changes in the political or cultural spheres. Government methods remained authoritarian. Moreover, they became tougher. The successes of the movement for democratization actually date back to the events that preceded the economic miracle by eight to ten years. In both cases, the argument revolves around the relationship between the modernization leap and the price paid for it in terms of the rights and freedoms of citizens.